1 INTRODUCTION

In any gathering, it is always announced as ‘Ladies and Gentlemen’—a way to validate the omnipresence of gender. Gender and related stereotypes are one of the first social classifications that children learn through early socialization processes (Steffens & Viladot, 2015). Since childbirth, parents assign varying roles to their children based on their gender (Baron et al., 2014; Steffens & Jelenec, 2011). For instance, assignment of different colors, allocation of different toys, and selection of different dress codes for boys and girls reflect traditional gender role stereotypes (Nelson, 2005; Wood et al., 2002). These stereotypes are further reinforced when boys are taught to be prepared for breadwinning roles outside the home and perform heavy and relatively difficult tasks. In contrast, girls are often raised to stay at home and perform household chores. The former role is paid, but the latter is largely unpaid (Wood & Eagly, 2012). These gender stereotypes compose traditional ‘masculine’ and ‘feminine’ traits for women and men in societies (Watts & Borders, 2005).

Nonetheless, the process of neo-liberal market economies is rapidly replacing traditional economic models; consequently, expansion of the service sector and technological advancements have enabled women to challenge stereotypes toward their typical ‘feminine’ roles and bring them outside the home (Hoang & Yeoh, 2011). Despite these gains, several women still have to bear the burden of triple roles: breadwinners, caregivers, and domestic workers (Ebert et al., 2014; Wilde & Diekman, 2005) while non-compliance to designated roles promotes violence, rejections, and exclusion (Khalid & Frieze, 2004). On the other hand, men are still appreciated for complying with predefined typical ‘masculine’ roles, and non-compliance causes stigmatization, shame, and disrespect in societies (Ericsson, 2015).

These roles are not symmetrical across varying gender regimes (Cochran et al., 2013; Inglehart & Norris, 2003). It has been noticed that women and men have shown relatively more flexibility toward interchangeable roles in more gender-egalitarian regimes in comparison to opposite regimes. A few case studies reveal that migration can also change the gender role behaviors of migrants, especially what they bring into destination places from countries of origin (Brettell, 2017; Smits et al., 2003). However, migrants from resembling gender regimes tend to adopt new gender norms and values in destination places compared to migrants from relatively less gender-egalitarian regimes (Ducu, 2018; Röder & Mühlau, 2014). Notably, in most Muslim majority countries, most people spend their lives according to Islamic jurisprudence. Patriarchal interpretations of religious teachings reinforce traditional gender norms and relations, forming a dichotomy in public and private lives (Shaheed & Warraich, 1998). These dichotomies and a traditional division of labor are unlikely to change much in destination countries (Fernandez & Jensen, 2014). It has been observed that most Muslim women living around the globe, either as natives or as immigrants, possess almost similar gender role behaviors that revolve around religious teachings (Inglehart & Norris, 2003). However, a few studies also contradict these claims and highlight relatively rapid changes in gender role behaviors of Muslim women (migrants) compared to their counterparts in destination countries (Aroian et al., 2003; Blau, 2015; Safdar & Lay, 2003). So, studying men's gender role behaviors during social upheavals is an important and interesting subject.

Social upheavals such as natural disasters, migration, pandemics, and so on, can exert varying degrees of influence on acceptable gender role behaviors across different gender regimes. Past studies reveal that many epidemics, such as the Swine flu, EBOLA, Bird flu, SARS, and so on, have badly affected women and girls compared to their counterparts. The intensity has varied across different gender regimes (Fung & Cairncross, 2007; Harman, 2016; Karlberg et al., 2004; Onyango et al., 2019; Risso-Gill & Finnegan, 2015). Recent literature on COVID-19 (Ashraf et al., 2021) and gender role behaviors (Rosenfeld & Tomiyama, 2021) reveals that the pandemic has affected women and men differently, reinforcing or reformulating their gender beliefs and roles across different regimes. For instance, UNwomen (2020) and the World Health Organization (2020) have reported that prolonged closures of nurseries and schools and general mobility restrictions have increased the demand for ‘care’ for children and the elderly at home. On the other hand, because working-age people could not go outside for professional endeavors (Fana et al., 2020), they thus have to stay at home. The lockdown has been helping them to improve their relationships, improve marital relationships, and develop more congenial relationships with their children (Roshgadol, 2020). Nevertheless, a few studies contradict this claim and report that the pandemic does not alter the traditional division of gender roles in families but increases the burden of triple roles on women exclusively (King et al., 2020; Power, 2020), and the part of men is uncertain. Are these trends symmetrical across relatively less and more gender-egalitarian regimes?

Our study aims to investigate changes in gender role behaviors of Pakistani husbands during the first COVID-19-driven lockdown in origin (Pakistan) and destination (Germany) countries in 2020. Recent scholarship reveals that gender role behaviors change or worsen in different cultural settings, but they do not compare people from similar cultural and religious backgrounds, living in two different gender regimes during the pandemic crisis. Generally, most men complain about a lack of time to spend with their children and families and an inability to help their partners with household tasks because they are often busy outside the home. However, COVID-19 lockdowns have challenged this statement and brought women and men into almost similar states at home. It is, therefore, interesting to study if and in what dimension gender role behaviors of husbands change, especially when they are not under the pressure of professional responsibilities like before. During lockdowns, they have enough time to interchange traditionally defined gender roles at home. Thus, the core objective of the present study is to observe if Pakistani men (living in Pakistan and Germany) alter their traditionally defined masculine and feminine role behaviors during the first lockdown of 2020. The findings will fill the knowledge gap in the political science (gender regimes), international migration, and men and masculinities discourses. The study answers the following research questions:

2 CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK

The study adopts a conceptual framework that brings the scholarship of the ‘bio-social model’ (Wood & Eagly, 2012) in conversation with the ‘life history approach’ (Del Giudice et al., 2016).

On the one hand, the bio-socialists attribute gender beliefs and roles to constraints and opportunities imposed by each sex's physical attributes and reproductive activities (Wood & Eagly, 2002), while other factors such as societal changes, technological advancements, and economic uncertainties also contribute. On the other hand, life historians exclusively focus on environmental factors and consequent reactions that shape gender beliefs and roles in affected societies. According to Wood and Eagly (2012), sex-specific biological limitations enable men to acquire skills for performing tasks outside the home, but women learn to focus on activities inside the home. As a result, men receive more wealth and practice more power than women, leading to the internalization and rationalization of traditional gender beliefs and roles. On the other hand, the proponents of the life history approach elaborate that environmental factors formulate or reformulate gender beliefs and roles of inhabitants in societies (Chang & Lu, 2017; Zhu & Chang, 2019). They divide these factors into two categories: 1) extrinsic risk factors that could be unpredictable and harsh, such as natural disaster, accident, disease, and so on, and 2) societal competition that could coerce/encourage individuals to compete for accessing more resources such as educational and occupational endeavors, and so on (Zhu et al., 2018). Both can alter prevailing cultural norms and values that further determine variations in gender beliefs and roles across affected/relevant regions and countries.

Both schools have a consensus that gender beliefs and roles are not fixed, but evolve persistently. The only contradicting point between both theories is that bio-socialists accentuate that ‘gender beliefs’ are inherited, and only cultural advancements can alter them, whereas life historians postulate that uncertain environmental upheavals have shown higher ability to change prevailing gendered norms and practices to meet unforeseen needs across societies (Newson & Richerson, 2009; Zhu & Chang, 2019). In the present situation, it seems that the COVID19-pandemic has somewhat restructured the political, social, economic, and religious fabric of societies, which may positively or negatively influence the gender role behaviors of individuals. According to life historians, the situation may reinforce inherited gender beliefs in line with bio-socialists or alter them in response to the pandemic. Although a change in gender role behaviors is a lethargic process, few studies conclude that women are more likely to alter their gender beliefs (advocating gender equality) than men (King et al., 2020; Power, 2020), but variations exist in intersectionality across different gender regimes.

The present study examines if extrinsic risk factors, that is, COVID-19, alter gender role behaviors of men (representing a particular cultural background) living in an origin (relatively less gender-egalitarian) and in a destination (relatively more gender-egalitarian) country or whether inherited gender beliefs are further reinforced. Through the statistical analysis, the framework also controls the possible impact of other enabling factors, for example, selected demographic/socio-economic variables.

3 HYPOTHESES

4 LITERATURE REVIEW

In March 2020, as the WHO declared the COVID-19 outbreak a global pandemic, most countries enacted full-fledged or partial lockdowns to slow down its exponential spread and equip local health systems with elevated resources to respond to the pandemic. Hence, most providers of public services shut down, particularly resulting in partial or complete closures of schools and kindergartens. Moreover, physical contact between people was restricted, and people had to be quarantined within their homes for a stipulated period. A gap in childcare services, additional demands of family responsibilities, and the need for disease-driven care have increased the burden of household chores on family members (Breuning et al., 2021; Shafer et al., 2020). How do families respond to this enhanced burden of domestic and caregiving responsibilities? How do women and men respond to emerging needs? Do pandemic-driven quarantines lead to an equal division of labor inside households? We review the following literature to answer these broader questions and then underline the gap in the literature to be filled by the present study.

First of all, before moving toward the possible impact of a pandemic lockdown on gender role behaviors, it is imperative to review factors that shape gender role behaviors during normal circumstances in different gender regimes. First, age patterns and gender role behaviors are associated with each other. There is a contested debate on whether gender role behaviors are associated with changing biological age cohorts or with earned experience (Elder & George, 2016). Blunsdon and Reed (2005) claim that gender role behaviors rarely change with age during a person's lifecycle, especially those they acquire in early personality development phases. They argue that changes in gender role behaviors primarily reflect a replacement by newer cohorts—through emerging egalitarian views (Van Egmond et al., 2010).

Social networks such as parents, families, peers, and educational institutions can also exert strong imprints on the gender beliefs of individuals (Halimi et al., 2020). Oftentimes, boys learn gender stereotypes that do not comply with gender-equal norms. Non-conforming boys are perceived as weak and inferior, whereas girls' masculine traits are also frowned upon (Witt, 2000). Literature also claims that peers and parents express more serious reservations and report stronger discomfort with boys' deviation from culturally defined gender role behaviors than that of girls (Marks et al., 2009; Mensch et al., 2003).

The institution of marriage has its own implications on the gender role behaviors of couples. Mostly, this institution reinforces the traditional division of labor either in relatively less or more gender-egalitarian regimes across the world (Kaufman, 2000; Sjöberg, 2004). In the second half of the 20th century, in line with the liberalization of divorce laws, changing gender role behaviors have resulted in higher divorces and remarriages, while traditional expectations from wives are changing at the slowest pace (Hawke, 2007). Past studies assert that a longer duration of marriage can positively be correlated with the traditional division of labor in families (Rogers & Amato, 2000). However, the gender beliefs and practices of each partner may vary. Literature suggests that women have a higher probability of possessing gender-equal beliefs in comparison to men, though intersectionality matters (Smith, 2006).

Changes in gender role behaviors are also linked to the likelihood of having children. In recent times, many countries have been experiencing a transition from higher to lower fertility as women's status has improved, especially in terms of their educational and employment gains (Wang & Sun, 2016). A German and French case study posits that some welfare policies are more likely to support family compatibility and work for women, thereby reducing the childcare burden. Therefore, it may increase birth rates and alter traditional gender beliefs and practices in families (Rossier et al., 2011). However, Ogletree (2014) claims that childrearing capabilities can be incorporated into traditional and egalitarian gender attitudes.

Gender role behaviors are also determined by the types of occupations chosen by women and men. Kulik (2000) argues that occupations chosen by women and men are outcomes and reflections of their gender-specific upbringing. For instance, nurturing, domesticity, and care are oriented to women from the beginning, but traits such as dominance, competition, and protection are attached to men. In a similar context, a few studies also yield women being more likely to choose family-friendly occupations such as those in healthcare, social care, and teaching, whereas men tend to seek male-stereotyped jobs such as engineering, manual labor, IT, and so on (Duffy & Sedlacek, 2007; Kaufman & White, 2015). The scholarship also suggests that the relative share of household chores cannot be compared between working couples and couples living under the male-breadwinner model (Higgins et al., 2010). The relative share of unpaid domestic work between both genders does not reach a parity level, even if we compare unemployed men with women working full-time (Sevilla & Smith, 2020). It is because men's investments in household chores primarily correspond to their free time.

The political school of gender regimes classifies gender role behaviors based on varying gender regimes (Inglehart & Norris, 2003). Scholarship infers that gender role behaviors grossly differ between relatively less egalitarian (mostly southern origin counties) and more egalitarian (mostly northern destination countries) gender regimes (World Economic Forum, 2020). Similarly, Sani and Quaranta (2017) claim that gender role behaviors strongly correlate with prevailing gender inequalities in societies. Concerning the case study of Pakistani couples living in the origin and destination country (Germany), literature asserts that traditional cultural and religious norms have deep imprints on their gender role behaviors. They are more likely to prefer a traditional division of labor at home and discourage women's roles outside the home (Ali et al., 2011). It is because Pakistani society primarily espouses the male-breadwinner model, which is attached to a lower negotiating power of women in every aspect of life (Ali et al., 2011; Begum et al., 2013). Particularly, decisions relating to international migration are centered on men's job prospects—as a breadwinner—while women are often perceived to be tied movers. Thus, Pakistani women usually join their husbands or fiancés working in relatively more gender-egalitarian regimes (western countries) to support their productive roles through unpaid reproductive activities (Smits et al., 2003). Nonetheless, a few case studies also suggest that the Pakistani diaspora in western countries on average harbor more egalitarian gender attitudes than Pakistani non-migrant couples living in the country of origin (Khalid, 2011; Khalid & Frieze, 2004).

Recent studies underlining the persistence of or changes in gender role behaviors during the pandemic offer a variety of explanations. For instance, a pandemic relatively or completely deprives people of income, therefore making their lives troublesome. In this reference, Medrado et al. (2021) share the notion that most women preferably serve in the care sector that is badly affected by the pandemic. On the flipside, male-dominated sectors are also at a higher risk of infection. Thus, the situation increases economic uncertainty, promotes revised/compromised job terms, and may lead to permanent exclusions from the labor market. These pandemic-driven dynamics alter gender role behaviors outside and inside homes (Rosenfeld & Tomiyama, 2021). Studies also conclude that girls/women have higher dropout rates from educational institutions and the labor market than boys/men. Once they are confined within homes, they are more likely to perform traditional gender roles during the pandemic (De Paz et al., 2020; King et al., 2020; Power, 2020). It has also been noticed that both genders have never shared the increased workload on an equal basis, reflecting a firm grip of hegemonic masculinities and a traditional division of labor in families (Minello et al., 2021; Özkazanç-Pan & Pullen, 2020). Studies reveal evidence that once again, women are found doing unpaid domestic work such as household tasks and performing care-related functions for family members during lockdown (King et al., 2020). Moreover, Milkie (2020) also argues that these are mostly mothers who have shouldered lockdown-induced additional domestic workloads. Although a few studies indicate a slight increase in men's participation in household chores, the trend does not seem universal (Ruppanner et al., 2021; Sevilla & Smith, 2020).

The above discussion concludes that gender role behaviors are persistently constructed during various life courses, and different factors shape them. Social upheavals such as COVID-19 have shown an ability to bring slight or significant changes in individuals' or couples' gender beliefs and behaviors. However, changes in gender role behaviors differ across varying gender regimes. Recent scholarship has studied changing gender role behaviors in women and men in different parts of the world. Still, these studies do not compare changes in gender role behaviors in couples belonging to similar cultural backgrounds but living in two different gender regimes (origin and destination countries) during the pandemic-driven lockdown. Moreover, past and recent studies have highlighted that women tend to alter their gender roles responding to particular situations in the past or pandemics in the present. These studies do not exclusively compare the self-perception of husbands and the perception of wives toward changing gender role behaviors of husbands. Thus, the present research fills these gaps in the scientific literature.

5 METHODS AND MATERIAL

Quantitative methods are used for data collection and analysis. Data are collected through an online questionnaire (scale) from married couples living in Germany and Pakistan during the first wave of COVID-19-driven lockdown from April to June 2020. The convenient and snowball sampling techniques are used for data collection, and respondents are approached through Facebook and WhatsApp groups in Pakistan and Germany. They are provided informed consent online.

Although literature offers numerous gender role behavior scales for measurement purposes, we have adapted the gender role behavior scale developed and tested by Athenstaedt (2003). This scale is selected explicitly because it measures traditionally stereotyped gender role behaviors and describes women and men's masculine and feminine role behaviors that might appear in everyday life. For judging the typicality of a behavior, respondents are asked to answer questions on a seven-point Likert scale ranging from ‘completely atypical’ to ‘absolutely typical’ role behaviors. The Cronbach-α is recorded as 0.92 for the adapted scales (for husband's self-reporting) and 0.90 (for wife's perception). In the light of our conceptual framework, the scale is used to assess husbands' self-perception about their gender role behaviors and for knowing their wives' perceptions about husbands' gender role behaviors before and during the first waves of the lockdown-2020. Eighteen Pakistani couples filled out a questionnaire from Germany and 47 from Pakistan. The findings underline if extrinsic risk factors, that is, COVID-19 has contributed to alter the gender role behaviors of husbands in two different gender regimes.

The scale introduces a range of questions covering various masculine role behaviors inside and outside the home, for example, inside (hold the door for a partner, change fuses, clean a drain, do repair work, change light bulbs, wash the car, and watch sports on television) and outside (do extreme sports, work overtime, ride a motorcycle, shop for the family, go for a walk through the town, cook meat on the grill outside, and organize parties with friends/colleagues). The self-reported and perceived masculine role behaviors of husbands are assessed with these questions before and during the pandemic-driven lockdown. A total score of self-reported (by husbands) and perceived (by wives) masculine role behaviors are calculated for each respondent before lockdown and during lockdown phases. Moreover, masculine role behaviors inside and outside the home are also calculated for two different phases separately.

Similarly, various sets of questions are asked to assess husbands' self-reported and perceived feminine role behaviors in two different situations (before and during lockdown). These questions are classified into three groups: household chores (do the dishes, set the table, change bed linens, cook, clean windows, iron laundry, do the laundry, and other household chores), caregiving responsibilities (babysit, take care of somebody, and homework with children), sharing feelings/issues (hug a friend, listen attentively to others, tell your partner about problems at work, and talk about problems). Once again, a total score of self-reported (by husbands) and perceived (by wives) feminine role behaviors are calculated for each respondent in two different phases. In addition, scores of three sub-categories of feminine role behaviors are also calculated for two different phases separately.

Moreover, we have also introduced control variables, for example, age, educational level, type of occupation, years of marriage, number of children, and so on, to ensure non-spuriousness of the relationship between possible association between pandemic-driven lockdown and changing gender role behaviors of husbands in both countries. Analysis of variance (ANOVA) with repeated measures is computed on data to measure any change in gender role behaviors of husbands from pre-lockdown to lockdown stages. Moreover, the analysis is also computed with the intersection of socio-economic variables, for example, education level and occupations of husbands and wives.

6 FINDINGS

According to descriptive statistical inferences, the mean values indicate that husbands are 39 years old, have completed 16.7 years of education, are married for 10.3 years, and have 2.1 children in Pakistan. In contrast, the corresponding figures are 36 years (age), 17 years (education), 7.1 years (marriage), and 1.5 (children) in Germany. A majority has reported themselves as ‘employee’ (64%), and others have their enterprises in Pakistan, whereas 89% have reported their employment in Germany. During the lockdown, 13% have reported complete quarantine at home, 21% partial quarantine at home, only 28% could go to work, and 38% have permission to go out for essential shopping in Pakistan. On the other hand, 56% have reported partial quarantine at home, 16% could only go to work, and 28% have permission to go outside for essential shopping in Germany.

On the flip side, the mean values indicate that wives are 34.4 years old, have completed 16.1 years of education, are married for 9.3 years, and have 1.8 children in Pakistan. In contrast, the corresponding figures are 34.6 years (age), 15.8 years (education), 9.3 years (marriage), and 1.8 (children) in Germany. A majority has reported themselves as ‘employee’ (56%), 10% have their enterprises, and 34% have no professional careers in Pakistan. On the other hand, 37% have jobs, 5% have their own business, and 58% have no professional careers in Germany. During the lockdown, 37% have reported complete quarantine at home, 32% partial quarantine at home, only 5% could go to work, and 26% have permission to go out for essential shopping in Pakistan. On the other hand, 26% have reported complete quarantine at home, 38% partial quarantine at home, 10% could only go to work, and 26% have permission to go outside for essential shopping in Germany.

Nevertheless, these variables do not reflect significant variations in the computed inferential statistics (between-subject factors). However, variations in perceived (by wives) and self-reported gender role behaviors of husbands have been observed with the intersection of their education levels and occupation types (only between jobholders and business owners) (Table 1).

The results of the three ANOVA yield that within the traditional classification of gender role behaviors (masculine vs. feminine), a significant main effect of lockdown is found on both types of self-reported gender role behaviors of husbands residing in Pakistan. In comparison to the pre-lockdown stage, husbands report a reduction in their traditional masculine role behaviors in both countries with the partial effect of change (ŋ² = 0.53) for Pakistan and (ŋ² = 0.26) for Germany during the lockdown stage. Nevertheless, these changes do not appear in the husband's feminine role behaviors in both countries.

Within the sub-classification of masculine role behaviors, a significant main effect of lockdown is found on self-reported masculine role behaviors of husbands outside the home in Pakistan and Germany. In comparison to the pre-lockdown stage, husbands report a lack of tendency to perform different roles attached to their masculine identities outside the home with the partial effect of change (ŋ² = 0.57) in Pakistan and (ŋ² = 0.48) in Germany during lockdown state. Nonetheless, these effects do not manifest in the husband's masculine role behaviors inside the home in either country.

Within the sub-classification of feminine role behaviors, a significant main effect of lockdown is found on self-reported feminine role behaviors of husbands attached to household chores, caregiving responsibilities, and sharing subjective feelings/issues in Pakistan. In comparison to the pre-lockdown stage, husbands report a slightly higher tendency to perform household chores with the partial effect of change (ŋ² = 0.10) and a slight increase in sharing feelings/issues (ŋ² = 0.09), but a significant reduction in performing caregiving responsibilities with the partial effect of change (ŋ² = 0.56) in Pakistan during lockdown stage. However, these effects do not reveal in the husband's self-reported feminine role behaviors in Germany, except a reduction in caregiving responsibilities with the partial effect of change (ŋ² = 0.69) during the lockdown stage (Table 2).

The results of the three ANOVA yield that within the traditional classification of gender role behaviors (masculine vs. feminine), a significant main effect of lockdown is found on perceived masculine role behaviors of husbands by their wives in both countries. In comparison to the pre-lockdown stage, wives report a significant decline in their husband's traditional masculine role behaviors with the partial effect of change (ŋ² = 0.32) in Pakistan and (ŋ² = 0.56) in Germany during the lockdown stage. Nevertheless, wives do not report a significant change in their feminine role behaviors in both countries.

Within the sub-classification of masculine role behaviors, a significant main effect of lockdown is found on perceived masculine role behaviors of husbands outside the home by their wives in Pakistan and Germany. In comparison to the pre-lockdown stage, wives report a lack of inclination of their husbands to perform different roles attached to their masculine identities outside the home with the partial effect of change (ŋ² = 0.35) in Pakistan and (ŋ² = 0.65) in Germany during the lockdown stage. Nonetheless, these effects do not manifest in wives' perceptions about husbands' masculine role behaviors inside the home in either country.

Within the sub-classification of feminine role behaviors, a significant main effect of lockdown is found on perceived feminine role behaviors of husbands by their wives attached to caregiving responsibilities solely in Germany and sharing subjective feelings/issues in Pakistan as well as in Germany. In comparison to the pre-lockdown stage, wives report a slightly higher tendency of their husbands to perform caregiving responsibilities at home with the partial effect of change (ŋ² = 0.21) in Germany, but a sharp decline in their previous behaviors of sharing subjective feelings/issues with the partial effect of change (ŋ² = 0.34) in Pakistan, and (ŋ² = 0.64) in Germany during lockdown stage. However, these effects do not appear in wives' perceptions toward husbands' acceptance of household chores in either country or caregiving responsibilities in Pakistan (Table 3).

The results of the first ANOVA reveal that within the traditional classification of gender role behaviors (masculine vs. feminine), a significant main effect of lockdown is found on perceived (by wives) and self-reported masculine role behaviors of husbands with the intersection of the education level of wives and husbands. From Pakistan, in comparison to the pre-lockdown stage, husbands have self-reported, and wives have perceived (with 11–18 years of education) a reduction in traditional masculine role behaviors of husbands with the partial effect of change (ŋ² = 0.60) and (ŋ² = 0.33), respectively during lockdown stage. With the increase of education level (18+ years of education), solely husbands have reported a reduction in their traditional masculine role behaviors (ŋ² = 0.51), whereas their wives do not endorse the change. From Germany, in comparison to the pre-lockdown stage, husbands have also self-reported, and wives have also perceived (with 11–18 years of education) a reduction in traditional masculine role behaviors of husbands with the partial effect of change (ŋ² = 0.46) and (ŋ² = 0.57) respectively during lockdown stage. Nevertheless, the analysis reveals no significant main impact of lockdown on perceived (by wives) and self-reported feminine role behaviors of husbands with the intersection of the education level of wives and husbands.

The results of the second ANOVA yields that within the traditional classification of gender role behaviors (masculine vs. feminine), a significant main effect of lockdown is found on perceived (by wives) and self-reported masculine role behaviors of husbands with the intersection of occupations of wives and husbands. From Pakistan, in comparison to the pre-lockdown stage, husbands have self-reported, and wives have perceived (both doing jobs) a reduction in traditional masculine role behaviors of husbands with the partial effect of change (ŋ² = 0.51) and (ŋ² = 0.37), respectively, during the lockdown stage. With the change of occupation type (business), solely husbands have reported a reduction in their traditional masculine role behaviors (ŋ² = 0.62), whereas their wives do not endorse the change. From Germany, in comparison to the pre-lockdown stage, husbands have self-reported, and wives have perceived (both having jobs) a reduction in traditional masculine role behaviors of husbands with the partial effect of change (ŋ² = 0.24) and (ŋ² = 0.72), respectively, during the lockdown stage. In the business category, both husbands and wives do not report significant changes in the masculine role behavior of husbands in Germany. Nonetheless, the analysis yields no significant main effect of lockdown on perceived (by wives) and self-reported feminine role behaviors of husbands with the intersection of their occupations.

7 DISCUSSION

In general, husbands are more likely to be inclined to traditional masculine role behaviors and less likely to accept feminine role behaviors to satisfy inherited gender beliefs and norms in varying gender regimes. They also associate their preferred gender role behaviors with the ‘breadwinner’ role and a lack of time. Different social upheavals, such as the recent COVID-19 pandemic, have reduced their economic activities outside homes and confined them within homes during lockdown periods. Thus, they may have more free time to spend with their families, which may convince them to interchange their gender role behaviors in families.

Our statistical analysis provides sufficient evidence to test hypotheses with empirical data. First, it has been hypothesized that a COVID-19 driven lockdown minimizes husbands' desirable (usually) masculine role behaviors. Contradicting to recent studies of Fodor et al. (2021) and Reichelt et al. (2021), our results yield that masculine role behaviors of husbands go through a transition (from higher to lower scale) from pre-lockdown to lockdown stages in both countries. The perceptions of wives also validate the decline in self-reported masculine role behaviors of husbands. On that level, our empirical results accept the first hypothesis. However, closer inspection of the sub-indicators reveals that the comparative change consists of a significant reduction of masculine role behaviors of husbands outside the home. Traditional masculine roles often refer to the public rather than domestic endeavors, so that it might be an unwanted direct result of the lockdown. A decline in self-reported masculine role behaviors of husbands is more pronounced in Pakistan than in Germany, but it is more likely to be affirmed by wives in Germany than in Pakistan. These variations could be an outcome of the relatively more gender-egalitarian culture and gender-sensitive legal framework of Germany in comparison to Pakistan (Adler & Lenz, 2015; Tahir, 2017; Tahir, 2021), where wives could be more vocal and have learned to disagree with their husbands on gendered roles and responsibilities in families. Another explanation could be a relatively stricter lockdown in Germany than that of Pakistan. In either case, changes in the husband's gender role behaviors cannot be explained in the light of varying gender regimes. Further studies covering different dimensions of gender regimes are required. Finally, the statistics are also computed with the intersection of education level and occupations of husbands and wives. The change in masculine role behaviors, either self-reported by husbands or perceived by wives, solely appears in the statements of couples having more than 11 years of education in both countries. Similarly, change in masculine role behaviors, either self-reported by husbands or perceived by wives, appear in the statements of couples having jobs in both countries, except husbands having businesses in Pakistan.

Second, it has been hypothesized that a COVID-19 driven lockdown maximizes undesirable (usually) feminine role behaviors of husbands in families. The computed statistics do not reflect significant changes in feminine role behaviors of husbands, either self-reported or perceived, by wives in both countries. However, the computed statistics underline changes in sub-categories of feminine role behaviors of husbands, that is, household chores, caregiving responsibilities, and sharing behaviors (issues/feelings), which confirm the inferences of (Carli, 2020; Craig & Churchill, 2021). These changes vary across both gender regimes. In Pakistan, husbands have reported an increased contribution in household chores as well as improved sharing behavior with others on subjective feelings but a reduced interest in caregiving responsibilities. These behavioral changes simultaneously support the propositions of life historians and bio-socialists on gender accounts—the pandemic convinces husbands to alter their feminine beliefs for sharing household chores and to be vocal on their issues and express feelings, but they adhere to more rigid beliefs toward their caregiving roles and responsibilities. Notably, this reluctance has also been observed in the behaviors of husbands living in Germany. These findings comply as well as differ with several pandemic-related studies from relatively less or more gender-egalitarian regimes, where men have shown reluctance to be involved in caregiving responsibilities (King et al., 2020; Milkie, 2020), or where fathers have increased their share during the lockdown stage (Ruppanner et al., 2021; Sevilla & Smith, 2020; Shafer et al., 2020). Despite this difference in two sub-scores from Pakistan, however, the second hypothesis as a whole, is not supported by the statistical evidence, and should therefore be rejected. Finally, neither the educational level nor occupational associations of couples determine any change in feminine role behaviors of husbands during the lockdown stage.

Third, women have a higher tendency to interchange gender role behaviors in uncertain situations and advocate equality in gender relations than men do (Bolzendahl & Myers, 2004; Lee, 2005). Thus, it has been hypothesized that self-reported gender role behaviors by husbands significantly differ from the perceived behaviors of their wives in families. Our findings reveal that the husbands and the wives, both in Pakistan and Germany, are mostly congruent in their assessment of masculine role behaviors—changing as a whole and in the respective sub-scores during the lockdown. Moreover, the statistical analysis also appears to prove a similar judgment by both husbands and wives, as their score as a whole does not underline major differences in the feminine role behaviors. Nonetheless, if we closely look into the sub-indicators of changing feminine role behaviors of husbands from pre-lockdown to lockdown stages, our results show a slight variation between particular sub-indicators. For instance, husbands have reported their increased contribution to household chores, which their wives do not affirm in Pakistan. In both countries, husbands have reported a plausible reduction in their participation in caregiving responsibilities. Nonetheless, wives' perception of their husbands in this particular role remains unchanged in Pakistan but slightly improves in Germany. These findings do not differ from existing literature, suggesting that although men's involvement in caregiving responsibilities has been observed during the lockdown, it still overloads women and unequally disadvantages them (Minello et al., 2021; Power, 2020; Sevilla & Smith, 2020; Shafer et al., 2020). Regarding the feminine sub-score of sharing subjective feelings/issues, the results reveal a significant gender gap because husbands have reported an improved behavior of sharing issues/feelings with others. In contrast, wives contradict their claims and have reported a significant decline in their attitudes in Pakistan. In the case of Germany, although husbands do not report a significant change in their sharing behavior (issues/feelings), wives have perceived a significant decline in their sharing habits during the lockdown period. With the intersection of educational level and occupational affiliations, husbands with more than 11 years of education have more likely reported changes in their masculine role behaviors than their wives. Similarly, the magnitude of self-reported changes by husbands (having jobs) is higher than the perceptions of wives (having jobs), except among wives in the same category from Germany. In light of this evidence, the findings of the last hypothesis are ultimately multi-faceted and can be assumed as inconclusive, which support assertions of bio-socialists and life historians simultaneously that although inherited gender beliefs persist, a few also change during the pandemic.

8 CONCLUSION

It is concluded that the gender role behaviors of husbands change toward two dimensions according to their convictions. In comparison to the pre-lockdown stage, they are less likely to perform masculine role behaviors outside the home due to an extensive lockdown but less likely to realize the necessity of sharing increased caregiving responsibilities with their counterparts at homes in both countries during the lockdown period. Change in masculine role behaviors of husbands is more illustrative than feminine role behaviors, reflecting the strong grip of typical stereotypes that men are not suitable for performing traditional feminine roles in societies. The COVID-19-driven lockdown also could not challenge these stereotypes in both countries. Although they have shown a slightly higher tendency to invest their time in household chores and enhanced their sharing capacities in Pakistan, their wives do not uphold their assertions. Notably, while the perception of wives and self-perception of husbands in this study regarding a change in gender role behaviors differ in some interesting details, as a whole, they do not differ in a significant manner on feminine or masculine behaviors. Moreover, the empirical data that has emerged in this study on the adoption of specific gender role behaviors seems to be more in line with the view of bio-socialists as opposed to the approach of the proponents of the life history school. It is because the only significant change stems from behaviors that are banned under lockdown rules, such as public activities typically stereotyped as masculine in societies. Finally, socio-economic variables, for example, education level and occupational associations of husbands and wives, explain some variations in changing masculine role behaviors of husbands in both countries.

9 RECOMMENDATIONS

The study invites the attention of policymakers (from Pakistan) to encourage men through different initiatives for adopting interchangeable roles with their wives at home. They should include information in different learning packages on the importance of ‘caring’ masculinities and educate boys and men through educational institutions so that they could realize the importance of sharing household and caregiving responsibilities with their women in routine and in the time of social upheavals such as COVID-19 crises. The study also asks for revision of integration policies (in Germany) to engage immigrant men in gender-sensitive educational programs (through orientation and integration courses) that could educate them about the importance of ‘caring’ masculinities for their wellbeing and smooth integration with the relatively more gender-egalitarian regime.