Role Structure and Subculture in Families of Elective Mutists†
The author wishes to express his appreciation to H. Myers, Viborg, Denmark, for his translation of this paper into English, and to J. Kristensen, amateur hypnotist, Struer, Denmark, for his help with three children (families A, B, and D).
Abstract
This study of ten case records points to a common role structure and subculture in families of elective mutists. The paper describes a theory of treatment based on breaking down the family's distrust of the outer world before social training of the identified patient is started.
Elective mutism is defined as being able to speak but not using verbal communication except with members of the immediate family, and then only if no strangers are present. Elective mutism sometimes develops into total mutism. The patients are generally not considered psychotic (the mutists among schizophrenics are regarded as a special group). Usually elective mutism is looked upon as related to functional aphonia, although not the same phenomenon. This is evident from the almost regular, age-connected breakthrough in elective mutism (5 to 7 years), which is not seen in functional aphonia. Elective mutism must, of course, be kept separate from aphasia, which has its root in somatic cerebral diseases.
The Background of This Paper
In my work on the children's ward of a psychiatric hospital in 1975, I met a boy, age 14, who had been an elective mutist for seven years (the last years totally mute). Several institutions and therapists had tried to cure him without result. Not one word had passed his lips.
After discussions with my wife and our children, we decided to take the boy to our home if his biological family could accept this procedure. The parents were willing, and after six months the boy began to speak.
In our work, we found the literature on this subject of help but not fully satisfying. Studying the boy, his problem, and his family structure, several points came up, resulting in a hypothesis that is the main theme of this paper. Let us look at the literature, starting with a venerable Danish legend. Then I will outline my hypothesis and present ten case histories in light of the hypothesis. Finally, I will describe the treatment of these cases and discuss therapeutic issues.
A Legend 1500 Years Old
The oldest story of mutism I could find is written in Danesaga of Saxo (or Sakse, 18). It can be retold briefly as follows.
Once upon a time there was a king of Denmark called Vermund. He was blind and very old. His son was named Uffe (or Offa) hin Spage, (the meek, submissive, quiet). He was given this surname because he had never said anything but always went around with a sad, stubborn look on his face. He never did anything and was considered good for nothing.
Then one day a message came from the King of the Saxons suggesting that, since Vermund was weak and old, they combine their two countries. As an alternative, a single combat between the son of the King of the Saxons and a representative of the Danish people was proposed.
There was silence. Then suddenly Uffe said that he himself was willing to fight against the King's son if the son would bring with him the best Saxon warrior as his fellow fighter. King Vermund became angry. He asked who had spoken. Some men standing nearest to the blind king said that Uffe was the man who had spoken. King Vermund was offended and said that he did not like to hear impertinent falsehoods about his son, who could not speak. But the men assured the King that Uffe was the man who had answered the Saxons. Vermund asked Uffe why he had never talked before. Uffe replied that it had not been necessary because his father had ruled the country very well until that day.
In training before the day of combat, no sword was strong enough for Uffe. They all broke. But Vermund did not mention his own good sword, buried in the ground many years before, as his expectations of Uffe were not too great. But at last his men succeeded in persuading Vermund to reveal the place where the sword was hidden. But the king prohibited Uffe from trying out the weapon; it might break.
The day of the combat arrived. The river Eider, which formed the border between the two countries, divided at a little islet, which was selected for the momentous fight. King Vermund moved his throne to the outermost edge of the riverbank and let the people know that he would drown himself if his son lost. Uffe fought his two opponents. On being told that his son killed the first one with a tremendous stroke, Vermund moved the throne back from the dangerous bank. When the second enemy fell, he wept openly. His joy was boundless.
This old story tells more about the mutist's situation than most modern papers on the subject. The mutist is living in the world of his parents' enemies. He has a symbiotic relationship to his father (or mother), who is blind to the mutist's possibilities to make a way of his own. The parent does not dare to reveal the place where the old sword is buried and talks about suicide when the mutist prepares for the big fight. Uffe's father is silent in two very important situations: when the enemies threaten him and when Uffe needs to know where the sword is hidden, the only weapon that can give the mutist a chance.
I was very impressed to find the mutists' family structure reflected in this old story. By the time I read it I had looked at ten mutists' files that disclosed almost the same family structure as that of our foster child and his biological parents. I will return to this point later, but first to the psychiatric literature.
Review of the Literature
Stina Hesselman (6) has published an excellent bibliography on mutism, as defined above. It refers to about ninety papers of the period from 1877 to 1973.
Parker et al. (13), in 1960, inclined to the opinion that mutistic children have been innoculated with the idea that the outer world and its inhabitants are formidable and alarming. They also believed that the parents have been mute (mutists), or silent, as a reaction to strangers. In 1962, Mora et al. (12) reviewed the literature and found, among other things, fear of strangers, separation anxiety, symbiotic relationship between mother and child, and immature mothers as the most outstanding similarities. In 1971, Dummer (3) presented a brilliant analysis of a case of functional aphonia that seemed to be related to elective mutism. A 17-year old girl became totally mute in the course of a few hours. Perhaps because of the patients' advanced stage of development, she was able to present her problem and to offer much more material for analysis than elective mutists are able to in most cases. We find strong tensions in her family. The girl had been brought up by the maternal grandparents, who had a tense relationship with each other, and the patient's mother and grandmother were not on good terms either. The grandmother was the first victim of the patient's silence, which turned out to be total, only to be broken in hypnosis a couple of weeks later. She was then able to tell about her constant worry about the tensions in the family. The worrying tied up most of her resources and left her immobilized. Her mother could not help her. She had herself returned from a failed marriage to her parents' home. As a model for her daughter, she was passive and suspicious of the outer world. The therapist gave the mother a foothold: “Get on! Learn to respect yourself. Then you will be able to help.”
Kehrer and Damhorst (8), proposed a list of conditions that seem to play a part in provoking elective mutism. They mentioned organically determined speech defects and brain damage, but, beyond this, most conditions could be referred to a family system characteristic of the elective mutist. These conditions were seen mostly as factors provoking elective mutism by accumulation, not by creating an injurious, self-perpetuating system harmful to everybody in the family. Perhaps it is for this reason the authors tried behavior modification therapy — without support from the parents. The sick family pattern persisted, and the symptom (mutism) recurred as soon as the child returned to the home. Since Reed (14), in 1963, many authors have tried different forms of behavior modifications with success, but the prognosis seems to depend on contact between home and institution (therapist).
Landgarten (10) referred to a case of her own in which art therapy was used with success, but four months after termination the child regressed. Landgarten did not have much contact with the mother. Art therapy is described as encouraging the patient to express her feelings through drawing and painting. The child did not want to draw her own family, an unwillingness founded possibly on the fear of being a traitor.
Ove Rold Jensen (16) tries not to put demands on the mute children in his institution (for children with speech defects). I am grateful to Jensen for having given me the opportunity to study his files. There are good results, they seem to be lasting, and they are based on good contact with the homes, contact that is initiated at the start of treatment through a home visit.
Betty Ruzicka (17) stands in a class of her own. She has been brave enough to describe her own reactions and negative feelings arising from the work with an elective mutist. Finally, I want to refer to Bradley and Sloman (2) who, according to Stina Hesselman (6), have found 26 children with elective mutism among the children at eleven schools in Toronto, Canada. Twenty-three of these children were from immigrant families who did not speak English at home.
In offering my hypothesis about the genesis of elective mutism, I am indebted to Satir (19), Richter (15), Haley (5), Manocchio (11), and others, especially Berne (1), whose ideas about transaction and role-playing have been an effective tool in my work as a family therapist. Jonsson (7) has written about families who are suspicious of society. I find this author very convincing in his search for a new basis for his work with “outsider families.”
Hypothesis
In order to manifest itself, elective mutism requires two main factors: (a) a society that is able to produce and maintain outsiders and outsider groups, and (b) the ghetto family, which means a family with very little confidence in society. The family consists of individuals playing four special roles: (a) the elective mutist himself; (b) the mutist model (or models); (c) the symbiotic partner; and (d) the leader of the ghetto family. The roles usually require three persons, but sometimes only two, or occasionally even one individual. Let us have a closer look at the roles.
- a.
The elective mutist himself (EM) is the identified patient of the system (see definition at the beginning of this paper). Often it is the teachers or the nurses at the kindergarten who are the first to identify the symptom. The role seems to find its player in any individual in the family, but children with speech problems due to minor cerebral damage, etc., seem to be the most likely candidates, and such speech problems are possibly reinforced by the situation.
- b.
The mutist model (MM) is a family member whom the identified patient imitates by learning to use stubborn silence as a strong weapon. The MM is a refractory and reticent individual who is often a former elective mutist himself. Sometimes more than one person plays the role, and often one of them is the symbiotic partner (cf. 3).
- 3
The symbiotic partner, SP, forms together with the EM an unhappy relationship injuring both parties and depriving each of possibilities of growth. The EM and SP cling to each other saying indirectly, “If you are not careful with me, I will get sick. If I get sick, we will both get sick, and we cannot even think of the dreadful things that might happen then. Let us stay together and be careful.”
- d.
The ghetto leader (GL) gets his name from the type of family to which the EM's family belongs — the ghetto family, which occupies a marginal position in society as a result of a number of factors: insufficient education, the parents' childhood in similar families (social inheritance), immigration, cultural gap, collison between different civilizations; even unsolved problems between the parents (with mutually unexpressed, angry feelings) are sometimes projected onto the outside world. The GL often sees his family (most of the time not consciously) as weak, poor, or badly educated, unable to make their way in a cruel world full of strong, beautiful, intelligent, and clever strangers who draw together and leave outsiders alone. The GL has a fantasy that his family consists of strong, beautiful, clever persons in a society populated by stupid persons who have ulterior motives, who stick together, and who are capable of underhanded methods. The EM hears only the last part and reacts with mutism (the symptom having already been legalized by the model (MM)) from his first day in school. The ghetto family need not necessarily be poor or badly educated. It might be rich, but the GL always distrusts society and its official representatives (teachers, psychologists, etc.). In families in which the SP and GL are played by different persons, one may see bad or good relationships between them. If good, all GL's aggressions are projected outside the family, which is supposed to consist of angels.
Crisis. Coming from the ghetto family with four pathogenic roles, EM steps into a crisis situation when starting at kindergarten or school — the first place where he is forced to make his own way. He feels he is among foreigners in a literal sense of the word. To talk to strangers means, in a way, to make friends — to be a traitor to the ghetto. He feels alone and weak. He is able to feel strong only in his fantasy, so long as he stays in the role of EM.
Rescue. EM's new situation makes the society start a crusade to rescue the mute child from his “pathogenic” family. This is mostly without result unless the GL is won over, followed by the SP (and perhaps MM) and EM himself. Most teachers and therapists distrust the GL and the SP (and the whole family too), seeing the identified patient as captured in a snake pit. And now the magic ring is closed. Mutism implies a society in which families feel like outsiders.
As I see it, the main problem lies in the interaction between the ghetto family and society. EM is the victim.
Clinical Material
My Case Records
Elective mutism is a rather rare symptom, and I have worked personally with only four of these children, three from Jutland and one from Greenland. Two of these children were total mutists at the time of first contact. The four families are here named A, B, C, and D, and it seems to me they all show the characteristic traits delineated in the above hypothesis.
Family A. The mother's family of origin was dominated by the grandmother, and the mother seemed to have followed suit in her own family. She was a stubborn person and in disagreements would not give in, even in the face of clear evidence; she was able to get her own way regardless of the rest of the family. One of her methods was stubborn silence. The family replied to this with tolerant recognition. She was the MM. There were also signs of symbiotic patronizing and spoiling. The child, EM, ruled the family, especially the parents, with obstinate refractoriness. In spite of his 7 years, he insisted on being held like a baby when answering the calls of nature. He would not take off his clothes at bedtime, and the parents yielded to the boy, reporting (with a proud undertone) that he had slept with his clothes on. The mother, in particular, accepted this and was very protective. She continually reproached herself that an older brother of the EM had died in a traffic accident “because she didn't look after him properly.” Although both parents had a somewhat symbiotic partnership with the EM, it is easy to point out the mother as the SP. One also had the impression of being confronted with a ghetto feeling in the family, both parents expressing their doubts about the skill of the child psychiatrists, psychologists, and teachers they were in touch with through the boy.
The boy was of course influenced by this view, and an educator reports a game with a doll put into “hospital” by the boy. When asked if the doll would be all right, the boy answered with conviction that the doll could get well only if it was allowed to return home. There is reason to believe that the ghetto effect in this family came from pronounced solidarity in both parents' families of origin. The mother had the leader role in the family and was able to laugh in her husband's face, to his obvious discomfiture.
After putting the boy in several institutions, the family finally left him in an institution for maladjusted boys. He stayed there from his ninth to his thirteenth year without saying more than five or six words in all, despite the good reputation of the place. The boy was now referred to the psychiatric hospital in which I was working. At the start a colleague tried narcoanalysis; it was in vain. The family was more uncooperative than ever before, pointing to the bad results as reason to let the boy come home. Educators, psychiatrsits, nurses, etc., understood the parents' frustration very well but also thought they heard an undertone of triumph.
Family B. Anna was a girl of almost 15. She had not talked outside her home at any time and had been silent at home also when strangers were present. At age 7 she was placed in an institution. She did not talk there, and visits home grew more and more infrequent, clearly increasingly avoided by Anna. At last she was a total mutist.
Her father was a skillful sealhunter who had always been a good provider for his big family; Anna had fifteen siblings. A Danish film company once hired him to play a role as a sealhunter in a motion picture. During the shooting, a well-known and popular Danish star was very angry with him and called him a “typical Greenlander” adding some disparaging adjectives. The father became mute for three months, and the filming was abandoned. Anna's mother rarely said anything when strangers were around (both parents were MM).
The family's lifestyle was rather retiring and isolated from the rest of the community. The children seldom appeared outside the house; one brother did not talk during the first months in school (another MM). Anna's father felt like an outsider as a sealhunter; the rest of the population in the little town had turned to more modern ways of earning a living. Further, the little community was intermixed with Danish “colonists,” whose status might have seemed totally unattainable to most people living there. But Anna's father didn't give in. He continued to perform his old role, and everybody wondered a little that he was able to return home every day with food enough to satisfy his big family (GL).
Her first day in kindergarten, 6-year-old Anna sat passively staring with a blank expression on her face. The school's Greenlandish teachers had to lead her to her place in the classroom. She didn't take her things out of her bag, she didn't take off her coat. They gave her a pencil; she sat for hours, stiff, with the pencil in her hand just as it had been put there. She stood up and urinated without showing any reaction. She did not dare to make contact with her schoolmates. After three months the teachers gave up helping Anna. She was sent home, having withdrawn from a natural step in her development, which, until her first day in kindergarten, had been rather normal. (She had been able to sit up at the age of six months and walk alone before she was one year old, but started to talk only at 4 years of age).
Soon Anna was placed in a children's home. Her new therapist, who was also the director, worked closely with the family, especially the father. She was Danish but had a great interest in the old Eskimo culture. She learned from him how to control a dog team, an art only rarely mastered by a Dane.
In the house of this energetic and warmhearted woman, Anna arrived as a totally passive girl who could neither eat nor dress nor go to the toilet by herself. For many months she moved around by crawling on the floor, able to talk only when she had a person to hold on to. When she was 9 ½ years old, she still did not talk and was referred to a child psychiatric facility in Denmark. Here she worked well at school but remained passive and mute. She was still so after returning to Greenland. From 10 to 12 years, Anna's movements and gestures became more normal, and she functioned socially in a normal way, only lacking language. (At home, with her parents, Anna's motor functions had appeared normal when she was playing with her siblings.)
During these years she had an unusual relationship with her father (SP), writing letters to him, telling him about her love for him, but also threatening suicide to “help him get rid of her.” The father played three roles in the system (SP, MM, and GP).
This was the situation when Anna at 14 came to Denmark for the second time along with her therapist (or rather foster mother), who again tried to contact a child psychiatric department. Anna was admitted and started school in the hospital. One has the impression that her therapist from Greenland did not trust this school, and perhaps the staff did not see the therapist in a positive light either. At any rate, contact between the two sides never really developed, and Anna did not start to talk.
Family C. Here we have a long, drawn-out story of a mutist who had been silent for about ten years — throughout her school education. She was able to speak a few words now and then when alone with the family, but in class she hardly talked at all. Her mother had not talked to her father, probably because of anger against him that she was not able to express openly; their marriage ended in divorce. Further, the mother had been a mutist as a child until 17 years of age (MM), at which time she had had to shift for herself. Today the mother says she is glad that she started to talk, but she is not sure that her daughter is sufficiently resistant to stand such a drastic move. And the mother adds that she herself still does not feel safe enough among people to be convinced that it really is an advantage for her daughter not to be a mutist (GL). She does not want to put any pressure on her daughter because she sympathizes with her and is afraid of forcing her into a world where she might be destroyed. (SP).
Family D. In this family we have the most well-established people in the whole series. The father and the mother helped each other in their small factory. They were fortunate and possessed many material status symbols. They felt that their only problem was the youngest son, 5 years old. But under the surface the tensions were apparent. The family did not feel accepted in the village, where most people were small shopkeepers, farmers, and craftsmen. The family felt that the others thought the family was rolling in money without being compelled to work. The mother did not feel accepted by her husband (GL), who wanted her to have an abortion at the time she was pregnant with the boy, now the patient (EM). She supposed that her husband wanted a smart lady to represent the factory at sales exhibitions. Perhaps she was right to a certain extent. She felt responsible for the boy, and she wanted to protect him against an evil world onto which she seemed to project most of the anger she felt against her husband but did not give voice to. She was the SP and the MM as well, having been a rather silent person in the first years of their marriage, and even more so as a small girl.
The boy was sent to the children's ward of a general hospital. There he stopped talking even with his parents, except for whispering a word now and then. He was then referred to a child psychiatrist, who asked me to contact the family.
Case Records from O. Rold Jensen
O. Rold Jensen, working at an institution for children with speech defects, has collected seven case records,1 which means every elective mutist child coming to the institute between the years 1969–1973. The institution serves Nordjyllands amt (council), but it is well known that not every elective mutist living in a given area attends an institution like that.
These files contain every note about contacts with the family, the school, and the kindergarten and statements from psychologists, psychiatrists, and other professionals as well. I have looked for the hypothesized roles of EM, MM, SP, and GL and for evidence of an existing family ghetto and unhappy interaction with the community.
Family E. Mother seemed shy, modest, and almost hid herself behind her husband at the first home visit (MM). She could not see any problem in mutism, as her two brothers (MM's) did not talk to strangers before they were 8 and 10 years old. The patient, EM, who was 6 years old, sat on his mother's lap, sucking his thumb and whispering with his mother. After an operation for adenoids, he would not leave the home for a couple of months. The boy was admitted to the institution, but as soon as he got a little better, the mother (SP) wanted him home on some transparent pretext. She didn't get her way at first, but the boy showed decreasing interest in school work and the teachers at the institution felt forced to let him go. The psychologists reported three drawings: one with a huge person, representing himself; another with a smaller person, representing his mother; and still another with a small father. The father (GL) supported the mother and son about leaving the institution.
Family F. Both parents seemed to be self-conscious (MM). Every sibling, four in all, had been shy when younger, (MM). Mother was described as unhappy, inhibited, and embarrassed when confronted with personal questions. She answered quietly and after a pause. By letter she expressed herself brilliantly in a sort of cry for help. The father became more open after some conversations, but for the most part used empty phrases. Mother (SP) wrote, “L. is like me, she needs help.” Mother was afraid that the child, L. (EM), would experience the same difficulties as she herself already had. This family was an interesting example of “family ghetto.” EM did not speak in kindergarten except on rare occasions, when she uttered a single word. But one day, relatives from Canada came to visit in Denmark, and the girl (EM) spoke and entertained by singing! The father (GL) then saw treatment as unnecessary, and the mother sided with him verbally (but not by letter).
Family G. Mother didn't speak to strangers as a small girl, but this was never recognized as a serious symptom; eventually she started to speak spontaneously. Mother (MM) identified with her daughter (EM) and admitted that she overprotected her. Mother was SP too. The family was primitive but warm, and functioned well internally; confronted with the outer world (and its therapists), the father was uncooperative (GL). A family session was planned but never carried out. The picture of the family is rather negative; they remained mostly unknown territory, and the case was considered a failure.
Family H. The father was inclined to depressions and isolation from both family and society; he was the MM. When a loan was refused in a bank, he reacted for weeks with silent, depressed withdrawal. We found only vague signs of symbiosis, but the child (EM) was cross and childish when parents and staff were present at the same time. Her behavior was similar upon arriving home from kindergarten, perhaps a reaction against symbiosis with the mother (SP?). Mother was the GL, having not sent the child to kindergarten for the dubious reason that “it would never help the child.”
Family I. The symptoms began while the child (EM) lived with her grandparents in her mother's original home. EM and grandmother (SP) slept in the same bed. This family, especially the grandfather (GL), saw kindergartens as “new-fangled nonsense” and were cool to the suggestion that the child be placed in one. The mother had been silent in the presence of strangers (MM) and still did not express her feelings and wishes. She felt indebted to her parents for helping her when she was unmarried and pregnant and when later she had no home for the child. During a conjoint family therapy session, however, it came out that the wanted her daughter (EM) to live with her. The grandmother (SP) reacted strongly against letting the girl do this. After therapy, the girl was able to solve the problem herself. She told the family that she wanted to live with her mother and her mother's new lover. After that, the symptoms vanished.
Family J. The father was very shy, especially when younger. At the time of his engagement to the mother, he did not dare to speak when they were together with strangers (MM). He admitted that he was not satisfied with himself and his achievements. EM, a girl, never asked for anything in the kindergarten. She expected to be served and remained seated, or even walked away, if not satisfied. Sometimes she cried in such a situation. The father had the best contact with the girl, who seemed to feel rejected ever since the birth of her little brother. Her mother (SP) let the girl dominate the family in a passive, stubborn fashion.
This family is interesting, because there was no ghetto effect, and of course, no ghetto leader. The mother was trustful and cooperative, and the child soon started to speak, probably because the mother began to visit the kindergarten, showing the girl that she felt the personnel were trustworthy.
Families A-J. Seven of the EM roles were played by girls, three by boys. In seven of the families, mother had a similar role (MM). Indication or evidence of symbiosis was found in each family — the mother was SP in seven, the father in only one family, the mother's mother in one, and in one we have no evidence of a special SP role player. Signs of “family ghetto” were found in nine families, with strong evidence in six of these.
Two families were easy to help (I and J). In family I, the roles MM, SP, and GL were played by three different family members; in family J, the roles MM and SP were played by different persons and that of the GL was not played at all.
Two families were very difficult cases (A and B). The interaction between society and those families was highly disturbed, and the roles MM, SP, and GL were played by the same member of the family.
Discussion
This investigation is necessarily limited in amount of material — ten families containing an elective mutist — because the symptom is infrequently encountered. It does seem, however, that the role structure of the ten families is very much alike. Another limitation is the absence of consideration of biological factors, such as possible brain damage or inherited brain disease, that might cause delayed learning of vocabulary or speech defects, thus inhibiting the faculty of contacting people outside the family. The material contains six files from an institution for children with speech defects (seven case records if family A is included, as above mentioned), and it is no wonder that some of these children are less than eloquent, even when speaking to the nearest family. Speech defects, however, are not constant factors in elective mutism. In family B, the EM (girl) began to speak seven years after she became totally mute. She spoke Danish without any defects and with a vocabulary appropriate to her age. But the girl's behavior upon starting school suggested psychosis, although the symptomatology responded well to her foster mother's patience and interest.
Though psychosis and speech defects do not seem to be constant factors accompanying elective mutism, the family roles of MM, SP, and GL do appear to be almost invariable characteristics of EM families. The question follows: is this constellation of roles caused by the existence of the EM in the family, or does the family cause the EM's symptoms? According to modern family theory, the question is incorrectly posed. The role players keep each other in a sort of balance, resulting in a vicious spiral that aggravates everybody's symptoms and emphasizes the role pattern. EM causes SP and GL — and vice versa. For similar interactional patterns, see Watzlawick et al. (20). But the situation is still more complicated. A similar vicious circle or spiral is established between society and the ghetto family; both elements are responsible for the pathogenic interaction. In this connection it is interesting to look at Bradley and Sloman (2), who found a high frequency of elective mutism among immigrant families in Toronto, Canada. Treatment is complicated because the therapeutic institutions, their staffs and individual therapists, do not see themselves as parts of the sick interaction pattern. Indirectly they reinforce the subculture through their narrowly focused interest in the EM's symptoms, especially the mutism. And, often, family therapists work with the role pattern (SP + MM + GL + EM) long before they have even touched the interaction between culture and subculture (society and ghetto family). As professionals I think we are all guilty. If we cannot cure the patient, we blame the family and project our unconscious feelings of insecurity onto the family with angry comments about their “sick” behavior. We tell our colleagues that our work is impossible in this or that case of elective mutism because the family counteracts the therapy. This behavior is the very problem, or part of it. I have never heard a surgeon say, “I cannot cure this appendicitis because the patient has inflammation of the appendix.”
Perhaps we could go much further if we were not so busy “curing” and more eager to make the families feel safe and accepted as human beings. These families seem to contain a common substrate of low expectations in regard to every member of the community and to society — which is seen as consisting of strong and well-educated personalities. or at least of an intimate fellowship keeping out the ghetto family as a marginal group. This feeling of inferiority strongly colors the family's daily experiences, their thoughts about the future, their initiatives and successes. The ghetto family develops a collective symbiosis, an atmosphere in which growth, new insight, and experiments with new modes of emotional expression are doomed to wither. The family sticks to the familiar ways of emotional communication at any price. The identified patient continues to tread the same measure with the symbiotic partner, whether it is to the strains of criminality, hysteria, or mutism. Perhaps we ought not to wonder why mutist families produce mutists. We never wonder why Chinese children speak Chinese. Perhaps criminality and schizophrenia are just the emotional language of other types of ghetto families?
Future investigations ought to include families without treatment. We do not know exactly what happens to them and to their mute member. It may be impossible to find material on Danish or Scandinavian families that have not been the object of some kind of treatment. Kehrer and Tinkl-Damhorst write (8) that elective mutism is unknown after the age of puberty, but the authors add that the children, if untreated, have to do without normal social contacts throughout their school days, and this is not at all acceptable.
We also need to investigate the frequency of elective mutism in specific populations and the way it is handled, by whom, its prognosis, etc.
Treatment
My Experience
I have seen four families — two were cases of total mutism, derived from elective mutism, (family A and B), and two of elective mutism that in family D threatened to become total mutism. The total mutism seems in families A, B, and D to be the result of aggressive feelings against the biological family, leaving the EM role player to therapists or institutions, which were looked upon by both the patient and his family as strange and potentially dangerous.
In family A, the classic form of conjoint family therapy had already been tried, including family sessions in the home with as many members present as possible. The treatment had been without success, probably because the therapists did not concentrate on the relation between society (culture) and family (ghetto, subculture). Instead the therapy dealt mostly with internal communication in the family. This is an excellent model when the ghetto effect is not too distinct. Perhaps one's professional conscience does not really allow it, but at the start of therapy there is more to be gained by having a meal with the family or drinking a beer with the father (often GL). In such situations, it is possible to study the family's sense of humor, interests, emotional language, etc. The therapist learns to express himself more or less in the family's own style in order to seem less alien and threatening. In this phase it is important to confront the family with the therapist's own positive and negative feelings as provoked by the family. Unless this is done, the therapist cannot be accepted as anything other than a polite representative of a patronizing institution. The therapist risks being rejected one day with precisely the same politeness with which he introduced himself. For further enlightenment, see Kempler, (9).
After having tried to establish good contact with family A by more conventional methods, I became frustrated by their litany of complaints about the institution's neglect that they had uncovered during the boy's visits home on weekends. The list was long and tedious consisting mostly of small spots on the boy's clothes and the like. I felt completely sure that my anger was provoked by the fact that the family was preventing me from taking up more serious subjects. Then I told family A that it was the most difficult and uncooperative family I had met for a whole year. It was true. After this the ice was broken.
Even this would not have been enough in the case of family A. After seven years of elective mutism, the boy had developed total mutism, and he was now so socially underdeveloped that his skills were only a parody of the accomplishments of most boys at the age of 14. His self-esteem suffered greatly. For many years people around the boy unconsciously considered him less than human, unable to think, because he never uttered a word. He escaped responsibility for the daily household tasks as a sort of secondary gain. All facial expression was extinct, apart from a pleading look in his eyes that provoked people to help him into helplessness. At first glance one really got the impression that this boy was subnormal with a low IQ.
Taking this boy in as a foster child, our first goal was to reinforce his self-esteem by teaching him new skills. We found inspiration in Glasser's book Reality Therapy (4). The boy was confronted with his new family's disapproval when he refused to eat with us, to wash regularly, and to help in the kitchen as our own children did. He learned how to paint a door. We demanded these achievements of him, and in this way we showed him indirectly that we took it for granted that he was able to manage the duties required of him. During this period, the boy's facial expression became more open and his chewing muscles less tense — they were not visible though his cheeks any more. But after five and a half months he still did not speak to us. Every week his presence grew more and more unbearable. We could not help interpreting his silence as triumphant stubbornness, probably because in every other field we were successful by maintaining a policy of firmness, warmth, and unrelenting demands. But of course he was not really triumphing. The problem was that we were unable to feel his desire for help, probably because he was afraid to even think of speaking.
Then one day an amateur hypnotist dropped in. He is an engineer and a good friend of our family. As everything else had been tried, I said, partly for fun, that he, J. Kristensen, was the man to cure this “hopeless” boy. And so he was. After a few sessions, the boy began to whisper to his new therapist. Combined relaxation and suggestion, together with patience and sympathy, gave good results. Each session lasted about twenty minutes and was held in private. On the first occasion he opened his mouth and took a deep breath, and later he dared to expire through his mouth. After four to five sessions he dared to read aloud an easy text. Then came the day when I was allowed to listen. To make the boy read, my friend put me in the corner. Later he was able to read when we were alone. Then came the moment when the next person was invited to listen, and, after having read for every person in the family, he started to read aloud for one of his schoolteachers, and so on. Fourteen months later the boy was able to contact people himself, using the spoken word. He now goes to an ordinary school.
Of course we considered it of the greatest importance to keep in touch with the biological family of our foster child. The work with his social development has continued mostly in cooperation with his schoolteachers. After twenty months in our family, his willingness to speak became pretty normal, but it was quite clear that our foster child had certain speech defects that did not seem to disappear with time. A speech therapist is now working on this. As to the boy's IQ, we are still uncertain. We seem to see him waking up gradually, from month to month. About two years ago he tested at an IQ under 70, but this no longer is accurate.
We must not forget a special problem that showed up during treatment. It was when speech development started. We became jealous of the friend who gave us a hand but simultaneously provoked our anger against the boy and himself. After all we had been through, we found it unjust that we were not allowed to hear him speak. We had to discuss this problem with the therapist before further treatment in order to calm down both ourselves and our foster son. From that moment the therapy continued with success.
The biological family's distrust faded, but now and then the mother still asks anxiously if her son is ill. His progress in school interests her, but not as much as his imagined weakness. Perhaps it is no wonder that his brother, two years younger, suffers from encopresis. He still lives with his parents.
In family B, the EM was a 15-year-old Eskimo girl from Greenland. She was referred to the same hypnotist as our foster son, and the same procedure was used, this time with quicker results even though she too had been a total mutist for many years. There is no doubt that her Danish foster mother, a kindergarten teacher, had done two things already: (a) established good relations with the father, who was both the GL and the SP, by inducing him to teach her how to drive a dog sledge, thus encouraging him to feel safe and at ease with her; (b) began social training of the girl in the home of the foster mother (this was easier than before because of the good contact with the biological parents).
It is astonishing that a few hours' work was enough in this case to break the silence. Two hospitalizations in child psychiatric wards had been tried without improvement. As I see it, the hospitals started out with an enormous handicap because of the foster mother's half-unconscious negative feelings about institutions owing to some school problems in her own childhood. Furthermore, a change of milieu was not what this EM needed. All that could have been achieved by this had already been achieved. The girl said subsequently that for a long time (several years ?) she had thought that she was able to speak if she really wanted to. Later she really wanted to speak but became scared when she realized that it was impossible for her to do so. (Perhaps this change in self-perception marked the point where the milieu therapy was complete.)
This girl spoke Danish from the beginning in spite of the fact that Greenlandic was the language she spoke before she became totally mute many years earlier. No speech therapist was needed.
In family C, a family therapy session was held with the 17-year-old EM, her mother, a girlfriend, some teachers, and, last but not least, her father, who had left the family many years ago after a divorce. The father trusted the outside world in a natural way and showed the girl how to do so too; the mother had not been able to do that. Half a year later the former EM's new school reported that the result was lasting. The patient was reported to be talking “like a waterfall.”
In family D, the author has tried to carry through the therapy according to theory from the very beginning. First on the program have been home visits and the removal of the child to a new kindergarten of the SP's (mother's) own choice. The father became interested in the social training of the boy, who had been kept at the level of a 3-year-old, though his real age is 5. After four months, the boy began to speak aloud — at home. In the same period, the boy has been treated by a “zone therapist” found by the parents who have great confidence in her. According to their reports, the therapy includes painful massage of the feet followed by massage of tense muscles anywhere in the body. In this female therapist's office, the boy, perhaps for the first time in his life, has encountered his mother's acceptance of his ability and power to endure pain and thus indirectly a demonstration of her confidence in him. Week by week the boy is putting on weight, after having showed signs of light anorexia. He is also more free in his behavior in the kindergarten.
I had hoped to get further with the parent's interactional problems before working directly with their boy's elective mutism, but their impatience showed me that it was time for results. My cotherapist, J. Kristensen, did not obtain the same quick result he obtained in families A and B. The therapy was completed after a year and a half.
Rold Jensen's Experience
The files from Jensen are very convincing. Five of the seven EMs have been cured or at least improved, mostly through admission to a special kindergarten for children with speech defects. One child did not improve, probably because it was impossible to motivate the parents to let their boy stay till the result was reached. At first the therapists persuaded the parents to let him stay (to gain time), but it became obvious that the boy's achievements diminished and that this was the result of his parents' lack of confidence.
As mentioned, the seventh case is identical to my foster child. He was at the institution about eight years ago, and treatment began with good contact with the parents. But the institution at that time was not used to this type of problem. As no tangible result was forthcoming after a short time, the boy was referred to an institution with higher prestige, but without the parents' confidence. The treatment was, of course, fruitless.
Today the institution places great emphasis on careful home visits, the descriptions of which in the files give one the impression of a relaxed atmosphere that creates confidence in the institution. New hope, new optimism and initiative is excited, and the ghetto structure seems to wither. None of the cured EMs have had symptoms for more than two years, and individual therapy, as in families A and B, has not been necessary.
Theory of Treatment
Since elective mutism seems to be primarily a symptom of a pathogenic interaction between the mutist's “ghetto family” and the surrounding, stigmatizing society, one strategy of treatment would be to break into the family's distrust of the outer world. But from the first moment, the therapist is seen as a representative of the alien society, whether he is aware of this fact or not. It is well accepted that no family therapist would dare try to help his own family with severe problems. He would seek advice elsewhere because he is part of the sick system himself. In a similar way, the therapist of a ghetto family needs somebody outside the system to help him — a supervisor, who is more necessary here than with most types of psychotherapy, I think.
It is the primary therapist's responsibility to describe the feelings that arise in his own breast when he sees the family. This material is therapeutic to the family if presented with correct timing. Kempler writes in his book Gestalt Family Therapy (9) that the therapist must put forward both positive and negative statements, and preferably at the same time — for example, “I like your solidarity, but I don't like your distrust of me.” But often therapists move on tiptoe so as not to offend the “refractory” family. The result is a communication characterized by stiff “professional” smiles and a “sympathy” that reeks of pent-up aggression. Such behavior only reinforces the family's opinion that the representatives of society are not human beings of flesh and blood.
Once the distrust is removed, social development is often possible by putting the child into a new milieu (kindergarten, foster family, etc.) that eventually must instruct the biological family members in how to be good cotherapists.
If the child does not talk after several months, it will often be necessary to put the focus on the mutism itself. Here a new cotherapist will often be preferable because this therapy must proceed carefully by small steps, causing as little anxiety as possible. This sort of therapy is felt to be overprotective if one is accustomed to provoking confrontations about household responsibilities and the like, but the timing is different and the therapists must understand that they work with different problems and must not condemn each other's methods. The therapists have to work openly with the jealousy that is almost inevitable when the EM starts speaking to some persons but not to others.
Finally, the child must not return to his or her family before the family is able to let the EM have more responsibility, or regression may occur.